In this essay, consisting of two main sections, there is a discussion as to whether the fundamental principles of constitutionalism, (i.e. limitation of the political power and protection of human rights) can be reconstructed on a historical materialist basis. The current constitutional debate in Turkey is evaluated by focusing on the Turkish Style Presidential Government, proposed by Justice and Development Party (\u201cAdalet ve Kalk\u0131nma Partisi\u201d-AKP). In the first section, there will be an analysis of the foundations of historical materialist constitutionalism in the context of their relation with theories on capitalist state. The central position of the concepts, such as \u201crights\u201d and \u201cpublic services\u201d, within the historical materialist analysis of the constitution is highlighted. In light of the The relationship between voluntarism and spontaneity is discussed as a common issue of philosophy and the politics. This problem has been determinant in centralism debate between V. II. Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg. The relationship between voluntarism and spontaneity is generally considered in a conditional form with the division between economics and politics. Therefore, without understanding the historical reasons for this relative separation the relationship itself doesn\u2019t seem conceivable. Similarly, the relationship between spontaneity and voluntarism in the current political debate is also discussed in different ways. The issues such as political subject, autonomy, and leadership are current issues of new social movements as well. Without making discussions on these, both conceiving of the structure of contemporary social movements and ensuring the integrity of a rebuilding socialist movement seem quite difficult. In Turkish history the Republic has experienced two moments of renewal. The Republic dated back to 1923 is formally updated in 1960 with the inauguration of the \u201cSecond Republic\u201d but this denomination is not maintained. Following AKP power, it has been replaced by a Second Republic which abnegates its founding principles. In the first moment, the First Republic, established as a This article aims to assert that for any study on Turkish political life to yield a successful and glittering product it is necessary to benefit from novels. In order to substantiate this assertion this paper tries to demonstrate the fact three-volume novel Han\u0131m\u0131n \u00c7iftli\u011fi, whose author, Orhan Kemal, have been commemorated in 2004 for the anniversary of his 100th birthday, could make significant contributions to understand the Democrat Party (DP) momentum, which is a critical period of Turkish political life. While developing this argument the article also attempts to build a theoretical framework as to why novels are indispensable sources to be used in the studies of political life. Besides, it also engages in a methodological discussion in regards to the ways of using novels in political studies. The present study argues that novels provide sociological data on the periods they narrate and thus they could be significant instruments to comprehend economic, political and cultural changes. Focusing on the period between 1930 and 1950 in Turkey in Orhan Kemal\u2019s novels, we analyse the effects of such changes on social classes. Both Orhan Kemal\u2019s realism and the overlap between the real-time and novel-time enable us to understand the social changes. Academic Freedom and University from Democrat Party to 27th of May<\/p>\n Cenk Yi\u011fiter<\/p>\n In this article while we discuss the tense relationship between political power and university in the period of Demokrat Party, we also aim to follow the process that academic freedom, which is the founding principle of university as an institution had been achieving constitutional assurance by the constitution of 1961. In fact this process gives key hints regarding to reasons why principle of academic freedom is unable to gain ground and take roots in university culture as well as in political culture. In this article we will discuss the effects of hegemony on knowledge and universities in neoliberal period. In that, we will first discuss the issue in the context of academic freedoms and autonomy of the university; then, in the context of Nutku\u2019s objections to the organization of theology in the departments of philosophy in a way in which the discussion will remind us Kant\u2019s \u201cConflict of Faculties\u201d 200 years after its publication. These discussions will allow us build a relationship between two seemingly separate contexts: \u201cneo-liberalism\u201d and the transformation of the regime under the \u201ccurrent political power.\u201d In this way, we will try to answer questions regarding the universities The aim of the study is to deal with the establishment and collapse of the apartheid regime in South Africa, which was officially introduced by the National Party in 1948 although has roots in the early capitalist development process of the country, from the perspective of capital accumulation. The paper moves from the idea that capitalist development process of South Africa, specifically the apartheid regime as an important phase of this process, cannot be understood without comprehending of relationship between race and class. In this respect, in the paper, moving from the framework developed by Harold Wolpe on relationship between race and class, it is argued that the apartheid, as an institutional racial social order, played a significant role for the capitalist development process of the country between the 1940s and 1970s. However, by the 1970s under the effect of the crisis in the world economy, structural barriers of racial capitalist developmentprocess and struggle against the apartheid regime, the regime lost its functionality for the capitalist development process of the country. The main objective of this article is to carry out a methodological and theoretical discussion and propose a set of arguments as to the meaning and repurcussions of Gezi Uprising in Turkey. In this vein, first of all the article will present a critical evaluation of the methodological individualist stance embedded in those explanations that assess the meaning of Gezi Uprising based on the individual profile of its participants. The prevalent tendency of characterizing the uprising as a\u00a0middle-class revolt is one typical example of this approach. Based on this critique the article argues \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Editors: Mustafa Bayram M\u0131s\u0131r – Kas\u0131m Akba\u015f The Future of Constitutionalism and Turkey\u2019s Constitutional Debate Mustafa Bayram M\u0131s\u0131r In this essay, consisting of two…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1367","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-sayilar-en"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1367"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1369,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1367\/revisions\/1369"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1367"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1367"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1367"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\nfindings of the first section the second section is devoted to, the ongoing constitutional debate on the feature of the political regime is made visible within the distinctive republican projects. In this section, the democratic feature of the AKP\u2019s project is evaluated by reference to the debate on the authoritarian administration and fascism. As a base for an alternative hegemony struggle, I propose a democratic and social republican program. A constitutionalist perspective shall be head\u00a0for this latter program.
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Constitutionalism, capitalist State, presidential system, democratic autonomy, democratic and social republic.<\/p>\nOn Spontaneity and Voluntarism in the Context of Centralism within the Works of V. I. Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg<\/h5>\n
Sevin\u00e7 T\u00fcrkmen<\/h5>\n
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Spontaneity, voluntarism, centralism, Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg.<\/p>\nTurkey\u2019s \u201cSecond Republics\u201d<\/h5>\n
Ali Somel<\/h5>\n
\nresult of a revolutionary process, is both reformed and restored. In the second moment a counterrevolutionary process is underway and the constituent element AKP encounters political crises forcing the Second Republic to be restored while being under construction. The paper discusses the political acquis with which the Republic may be further transformed in terms of revolutionreform-restoration dynamics.
\nKeywords:<\/strong> AKP, Bonapartism, neo-Ottomanism, authoritarianism.<\/p>\nBringing the Novel Back into the Studies of Turkey\u2019s Political Life: Democrat Party Momentum in Orhan Kemal\u2019s Han\u0131m\u0131n \u00c7iftlig\u0306i<\/h5>\n
G\u00f6khan At\u0131lgan<\/h5>\n
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Orhan Kemal, Han\u0131m\u0131n \u00c7iftli\u011fi, Democrat Party, literature and political science, political history of Turkey.<\/p>\nSocial Change and Classes in Orhan Kemal\u2019s Novels<\/h5>\n
Mustafa Kemal Co\u015fkun – Berfin Diren Yavuz<\/h5>\n
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Orhan Kemal, social change, social classes, social revolution, bourgeoisie revolution.<\/p>\n
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Ottoman\u2013Turkey Modernization, Democrat Party, 27th of May, academic freedom, university autonomy, The Constitution of 1961.<\/p>\nOn the University, \u201cConflic t of the Faculties\u201d, Philosophy, and a
\nfew Instances within the Neo -Liberal Age<\/h5>\nBora Erda\u011f\u0131<\/h5>\n
\nas the representative spaces of the regime in Turkey and its transformation, the opposition against the transformation of the regime, in short, the question of \u201cwhat is to be done?\u201d
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Neo-liberalism, academia, university, philosophy, the conflict of the faculties, Immanuel Kant, Ulu\u011f Nutku.<\/p>\nThe Apartheid Regime in South Africa, in the Context of Race, Class and Capitalist Development<\/h5>\n
Tolga T\u00f6ren<\/h5>\n
\nKeywords:<\/strong> South Africa, apartheid, race, race and class, Harold Wolpe.<\/p>\nThe Transformation of the Ideologic al Sphere After June 2013: A
\nDebate on the Methodology of Interpreting Gezi Resistance<\/h5>\nCenk Sara\u00e7o\u011flu<\/h5>\n
\nthat the nature of a social movement or a revolt cannot be fully comprehended by focusing merely on the profile of its participants. Rather, it could be better understood from an investigation as to which social\/political contradictions in a social formation pave the way to a revolt, what kind of impacts it inflicted on class relations and the class character of the power bloc that it defies. Based on this alternative framework the article attempts to situate Gezi Uprising within the context of the hegemonic project that AKP has tried to consolidate since 2002 and investigate the lasting influences of the uprising on the domain of ideologies in Turkey. The article puts forward the following thesis based on such an analysis: The Gezi Uprising happened at a critical moment when the AKP\u2019s strategy of \u201cideological dispossesion\u201d (the strategy of dominating and appropriating the historical themes, agendas and discourses around which the anti-systemic opposition had historically organized itself) fell into a deep crisis. The uprising itself deepened this crisis further. In the aftermath of the uprising the AKP had to fully recede from such progressive themes and demands as rights and freedoms, justice and equality and secularism; and they were retaken with new forms and meanings by the anti-systemic opposition. From this point of view the Gezi Uprising cannot be assesed as a typical \u201cmovement of class\u201d since it was not motivated by and did not prioritize the economic demands of the labourers in Turkey. However, it is still a \u201cclass movement\u201d in terms of the class character of the power bloc that it defied and the irreversible influences and opportunities that it created for class struggles in Turkey.
\nKeywords:<\/strong> Gezi Uprising, social movements, middle class, ideology, Justice and Development Party.<\/p>\n